Chinese in north Australia

A HISTORY OF THE GILBERT RIVER GOLDFIELD, 1869-·1874

ROBERT BRUCE BROWN

A Thesis submitted as part of the degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honours (History) at James Cook University of North Queensland, 1974.

Introduction

PART ONE - DAWNING

Chapter One   Rush to the Gilbert  1

PART TWO - COMMUNITY

Chapter Two   Gilberton Rise and Fall 12

Chapter Three European Population 20

Chapter Four  Administration 26

Chapter Five Chinese Population 43

PART THREE -PROBLEMS

Chapter Six

Chapter Seven

Chapter Eight

Chapter Nine

PART FOUR -DESERTION OR EVACUATION?

Chapter Ten

Chapter Eleven

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

Physical Problems 55

Gold Mining 67

Social Problems 75

Aborigines and Police Protection 87

Inquiry 106

Conclusion 118

A. Origins of sample cross section of district residents 

B. Official population statistics ii

C. Gold yield statistics iii

D. Table I; District deaths iv

2:  Medical care v

3: Distribution of deaths vi

E. Table 1 : District births vii. 2: District marriages vii

F. Murders by Aborigines viii

BIBLIOGRAPHY Page ix

MAPS

1.   Approximate boundary of the Gilbert River district b

2.   Gilberton River district and goldfields b

3.   Gilberton, aerial map 12

4.   The Gilberton Ranges, rear cover map

PHOTOGRAPHS

Plate   1.         Gilberton lockup 14

2.         Ah Cong Flat 45

3.         Opium tin lids 49

4.         Chinese coins 50

5.         Chinese grave  52

6.         Chinese headstone  54

7.         Gold panning 67

8.         ‘Tidying up’  68

9.         Dry Blowing 70

10.        15 Stamper battery  72

11.        Remnants of boilers 74

12.        Police lockup  99

13.        Another view of the lockup                                             

a.

INTRODUCTION

The Gilbert River goldfield, located about three hundred miles west-north-west of Townsville, was founded in 1869.(1) It was one of the more dramatic boom fields of the North Queensland gold rushes.(2)  Gilberton, the main settlement, became one of the advanced western outposts in the tide of settlement moving slowly northwards and westwards. The field was part of the gold frontier which opened up North Queensland.

At its peak gold production on the Gilbert field rated highly among other Australian goldfields. Gilberton flourished as field headquarters, servicing a sizeable community of over three thousand at its zenith. In January 1872 its boundaries were restricted and Gilberton played only a secondary role in the affairs of the district.(3) The Gilbert River goldfield effectively became a subsidiary of the new Etheridge goldfield constituting its southern division. The transfer of field headquarters to Georgetown foreshadowed Gilberton's total collapse in December 1873.

Why was Gilberton deserted? My attention was drawn to the district on learning that the town and field was not deserted through any shortage of gold as asserted by some sources. Others argued that Gilberton was a victim of fate in that it was confronted with a series of crises which prevented the town from securing permanent stability. Many commentaries stated there was abundant gold but argued that it was too widely distributed and patchy to sustain the interests of alluvial prospectors. The remoteness of the area necessitated high commodity prices which according to some were far beyond the means of the average miner. Isolation further dampened the incentive of machine owners. According to many writers, the absence of crushing machinery was the reason for Gilberton's collapse. It has been often suggested that the Gilbert lost its population to the Palmer rushes which by rumour proved irresistible to the peripatetic miner.

Others believed that Gilberton was abandoned because of Aboriginal resistance and lack of police protection. After several

(l) Refer to map 1.

(2) Refer to map 4, rear cover map.

(3) Refer to map 2.

b.

concerted attacks by Aborigines, the Chinese were driven from their camps. A self perpetuating panic spread among the community and resulted in a steady population exodus which finally crippled the town.

If Gilberton was deserted because of Aboriginal resistance then this thesis will again reinforce the fact that Aboriginal resistance was a significant reality in Queensland's colonial life. It will refute the delusion that contact with Aborigines in Australian history was uniquely peaceful.

The following systematic investigation aims to examine the Gilbert River goldfield in its first five years with particular emphasis on Gilberton and its surrounding area. Such an emphasis is necessary to ascertain why Gilberton and its field lost its identity in becoming part of the Etheridge field and why it totally collapsed in December 1873.

1.

PART  ONE                                                                                                  

CHAPTER ONE

RUSH TO THE GILBERT

The Gilbert River district first came to public notice in 1867 when the Reverend W.B. Clarke presented a paper to the Royal Geographic Society of New South Wales on the, 'Auriferous and other Metalliferous Districts of North Queensland’.(1)The paper revealed that as early as 1851 Clarke had correctly suggested that gold was likely to be found in the New South Wales areas of Forbes, Young and Emu Creek. He again predicted gold at Canoona or Port Curtis where in 1858 the first Queensland gold rush of any magnitude took place. Similarly, in replying to inquiries relating to the existence of gold in the Peak Downs district, Clarke's advice was in accordance with the results. On the success of his prognoses Clarke commented, "My indications have not failed because they were founded on the knowledge of the concurring data of direction, geological age and other conditions which may have been bought into play elsewhere.” (2) His success must be partially attributed to a detailed analysis of material provided by early explorers.

In his explorations around the Cape River, Augustus Gregory observed a great abundance of drift which he noted as being, "of such a character as seems to be indicative to a certain degree of a goId region.”(3) Both Gregory and Leichhardt note what looked to be syenite ridges at the head of the Lynd and on the Burdekin. According to Clarke the rock syenite was a very good indication of gold. Specimens brought down by Gregory from the junction of the Clarke and Burdekin rivers convinced the Reverend that there was a likelihood of gold existing on the Clarke River. Referring to the

(1) In his paper Clarke illustrated the chief auriferous and metalliferous districts throughout Australia based on a study of the geology of nearly all Eastern Australia. His study of the Gilbert district was the most advanced at the time. Clarke, W.B., "On the Auriferous and other Metalliferous Districts of North Queensland", in Transactions of the Royal Geographic Society of New South Wales for 1867, (Sydney 1868), pp. 42-58.

(2) Clarke, op.cit., p. 43.

(3) ibid. p. 47.

2.

region in 1863, Richard Daintree commented, "Mr. Clarke has long ago pointed out this district as a future goldfield. The fulfilment or otherwise of this prophecy is at hand.”(4) In September 1865 a rush to the Star River proved fruitless under the hardships due to an unusually severe dry season. Disillusioned with the Star River, several parties found their way to the Clarke River where they continued their search for gold. Indeed Clarke's prophecies were at hand when in July 1867 a party of six prospectors acting on Daintree's advice found payable gold on the Cape River, thereafter a full scale rush set in.(5)

In view of Clarke's accurate anticipation as to the whereabouts of gold it is not surprising that great interest was aroused when he suggested that gold was likely to exist in an area which extended from Cardwell south westerly to the head of the Lynd to the ranges at Cloncurry. Interest was even aroused in Parliament which after conferring with Clarke applied his recommendations and divided the colony into two districts. The Southern district was delegated to Mr. Aplin and the Northern to Richard Daintree who became Government Geologist for the Northern district.(6)

With eight diggers and for six months Daintree began his explorations in the Gilbert River district. Anxious to confirm his hopes of their riches he said to his patron, "My entire object this time is to find a first class new digging and if my Cape experience holds good we'll soon have it.”(7) He left just in time because a week later the Conservative MacKenzie government in Brisbane was defeated by the Liberals who were not so devoted to developmental schemes in the outback. With low wool prices prolonging the

(4) ibid. p. 50.

(5) In August 1867 there were 250 men on the cape River field, this increased to 600 by     October. Bolton, G.C., A Thousand Miles Away, (Canberra 1972), p. 6.

(6) On December 17 1867, Richard Daintree wrote to the Colonial Secretary offering his services as a geologist. Daintree to Palmer, QSA Col/B 3293/67. He received no word from Palmer until notified of his new appointment which was to take effect from May 12 1868. Queensland Government Gazette, Vol IX, 4 ,June 1868, p. 537.

(7) Q.P.D. Vol IX, 1869, pp. 357-8.

3.

depression, the Liberals were under pressure to economize in the civil service.

On April 17 1869, after two months exploration Daintree provided his first report which revealed that the bed of the Gilbert River contained rich deposits of gold but the quantity of water in the (8) river made it impossible for his party to ascertain its true value. Three days later Daintree wrote his next progress report in which he stated, "Unfortunately the area for the operation for the digger is very much confined."(9)  Gold bearing rock was exposed only where water courses cut through the strata and these areas were scarce. Furthermore, "unmistakable evidence presents itself of the cause of the small supply of the precious metal and its patchy character."(10) As a result of the patchy distribution of gold, gullies were exhausted in a few days. Consequently, Daintree promptly stressed that anyone intending to come to the Gilbert must come either as, "a prospector or as one prepared to take the leavings of a prospector and so be content with little.”(11)

Before Daintree could provide any more reports he was advised by the new Liberal government led by Charles Lilley that his duties in the area were to terminate on June 30th1869. Under further pressure to economize the town-orientated Liberals were only too ready to terminate the geological survey which had been introduced by the opposition.

Daintree was bitterly disappointed at the Liberals' decision but before finalizing his duties he provided the government and public with yet another accurately detailed report. He warned that no extent of deep sinking could be expected on the Gilbert and that the amount of drift in shallow ground would, "afford a small grounded hope for permanent and lucrative reef mining.”(12)

Disappointed with the Upper Gilbert field Daintree drew attention to the Northern Delaney and Etheridge River areas where he suggested that deep payable depths could be associated with the tracts of auriferous slates free of

4.

conglomerate where the required deep levels would probably appear. Undoubtedly the rush for alluvial gold had been too great. The scarcity of significant drifts was a primary obstacle to alluvial mining and as Daintree noted, "rushes of large numbers of men to one spot is rarely advisable."(13) To keep a alluvial miners in lucrative employment a continuous supply of new fields was needed. There being few such fields on the Upper Gilbert, Daintree urged miners to prospect on the Lower Gilbert further north, at least until the Upper Gilbert could become a stable quartz mining region able to support a permanent population(14)

Before Daintree's last report could have been made public, private telegrams reporting large finds had caused a rush of, miners mostly of the swagsman class apparently without the means to prospect for themselves and without horses to carry their dirt to water, these men, coming at the worst season when the back water is fast drying up must (le) meet with disappointment and distress. 

To avoid such disappointment Daintree publicly advised, "Never act on any newspaper report, more especially a telegram if the p~me of the writer is not attached thereto."(16)

But Daintree's advice came too late, the power of gold fever reflecting the blind excitement characteristic of all gold rushes had set in. Spontaneously men became victims of that wildly erratic phenomenon known as gold fever, superbly described as, the recklessness which made men leave anything to join a rush on the slightest information as to the prospects of the new field. The crowds of greenhorns without the slightest experience or knowledge of the conditions they would have to face. The arrival of many without a penny believing they would get  

13) ibid. p.171

14) Bolton, G.C.  Richard Daintree (Brisbane 1965) p.1

15) VP 1, p.167

16) 1869, Vol   ibid. p. 167

5.

straight on to payable gold but finding themselves destitute.(l ) The Sub-Inspector stationed at the Cal~ River diggings reported a mass exodus of a thousand people in ten days to the new Gilbert fields. A store-keeper returned from the Gilbert with letters from the diggings. They spoke of the new fields with great excitement, "We are all on good gold each man earning from £6 - 20 per week, no deep sinking yet, abundance of water and any amount of gold country"18) come out here at once.

"Off to the Gilbert?", "Yes", became the catchword not just from Cape River but also from Townsville and Cardwell whore numerous accounts of daily earnings passed from person to person. The news spread to Sydney and it was not long before ports were filled with diggers who arrived on steamships from New South Wales, Victoria, (19) New Zealand and of course, Canton. Simultaneously hundreds wore slowly making their way north,overland from many areas in New South Wales (20) to reach their goal, at last footsore, weary and lonely. Soon the more adventurous storekeepers arrived. W.H. Corfield recalls being chartered by a Townsville storekeeper to secretly load stores at night in order to get supplies to the Gilbert while prices were (21)^·

19 ..

Farsighted pastoralists requested permission from the government to commercially grow maize for horse feed on the road to the Gilbert. Although there was some misunderstand:          over the condltions of their pastoral lease, approval was granted and maize was sold to goldfield (22) destined travellers.

(17) Stoodley, J., Some Aspects of Early Gold Mining in Queensland,

 B.A. Hons. Tnesis, (Queensland 1955), p .. 1. The depression in Queensland which preceded the Gilbert rush led to a period of unemployment. It is likely that many of those who rushed to the Gilbert were unemployed and therefore went fossicking for their livelihood. See C. Barett, Gold in Australia, (Sydney 1951 p. 45

(18) Brisbane Courier, 18 January, 1870.

(19) For a vivid description on the arrival of diggers sce Jones, D., Cardwell Shire Council, (Brisbane 1961), p. 137.

(20) Brisbane Courier, 18 Janumy, 1870.

(21) Corfield, W.H., Reminiscences of Queensland 1862--99, (Brisbane 1921). p. 37:

(22) Scott, WaIter J., to Colonial Secretary, 13 June 1869, 2613/69 with QSA CollA 129/2902/69.

6.

Rapidly expanding numbers on the goldfield necessitated a telegram to Brisbane which outlined the urgent need for a Gold Commissioner. In addition a party of police, but without a Court of Petty Sessions were requested to check miners' rights and business         Iicenses and to prevent sly grog selling.(23) The need for government control was acknowledged by Parliament in late June 1869 when Cabinet Ministers appointed T.R. Hacket and introduced a Court of Petty Sessions. Commissioner Hacket immediately established a township which he named Gilberton at the junction of the Gilbert River and Twenty One Mile Creek.(24) During the next six months reports from the Gilbert were seriously conflicting. Many diggers seemed to be doing well but there were also many desperately searching and even some doing nothing.(25) The field seemed promising but on the other hand it was patchy. Overall most reports from the area considered it most unlikely that the field would ever sustain a large permanent population. Nevertheless the coastal towns and Brisbane were swept by a wave of optimism, many regarded the new goldfield as the Colonies' 'great hope' in that it would provide relief from the depression.(26) Reports consisting more of senseless optimism than reality showered the Colony withphrases such as, "The Gilbert River goldfield is a reality...local residents believe in."(27) The Queensland Express proclaimed that no rushes in the colony were as

important as the Gilbert, "it is the rush of the year, the sensationof the day."(28) Sensationalism indeed, 

The whole district for miles around abounds with reefs. Very rich specimens have been found on the surface in dozens of different places and it is conmonly

(23) It was correctly pointed out that unless there was a court, police were powerless and therefore better out of the area.

(24) For approximate location see rear cover map.

(25) Brisbane Courier, 10 July, 1869.

(26) Dr. Farnfield holds the view that gold rushes in Queensland rescued the North from the preceding pastoral depression. Farnfield: J., Frontersman, (Melbourne 1968), p.116.

(27) Brisbane Courier, 10 ,July, 1869.

(28) Queensland Express, 1 September, 1869.

7.

asserted that there never was on any gold field such a show.(29)

Other reviews concluded that the Gilbert field would become the richest and most extensive in Australia,(30) supporting a large population for many years.(31)

However, not all reports were favourable. It was equally asserted that the general appearance of the diggings gave no indication of keeping a population in permanent employment :for any length of time at all.(32) Published telegrams assured there were no prospects which should induce a rush of miners living at a distance. The Brisbane Courier commented,

From the fact that during the last 4 weeks the number going away has almost equalled the number coming in it will be evident that whatever the future of the gold field it is

anything but a desirable place to come at present.(33)

Angry miners wrote to the press stating the rush was a mistake and should never have happened. The general consensus agreed that most were able to get some gold but not enough to make a living on. Soma angry miners complained bitterly that gold was non existent,(34 others argued that there was not sufficient food, water shortages concerned many,(36), and still more complained at the high cost of living.(37) 

Clearly, shortages of food and provision were a serious cause of discontent. In July 1869, 104 diggers petitioned the government for free passages back to the coast or temporary assistance on the field. They claimed to have been misled by false reports about the diggings. Having spent all their money and thus starving, they believed they warranted government aid. In a telegram to Brisbane the Townsville police magistrate remarked, "I believe some of the

(29) Brisbane Courier, 16 September, 1869.

(30) ibid. 30 May, 1869.

(31) ibid. 4 September, 1869.

(32) ibid. 10 July, 1869.

(33) ibid.. 28 July, 1869.

(34) ibid. 2 ,July, 18G~}. Refer also to Chapter 7, paSSL'll.

(35) ibid. 10 August, 1869. Refer also to Chapter 6, pp. 56-58.

(36) ibid. 23 July, 1869. Refer also to Chapter 6, pp. 58-59.

(37) ibid. 6 November, 1869. Refer also to Chapter 6, p. 60.

8.

men who signed the petition are quite destitute.”38) Rations were given to 17 destitute miners,(39) but no government assistance was given for return passages to the coast. The disappointed diggers either left the Gilbert or found employment on the field. Once Gilberton, as the field service centre stabilized, the problems of food shortages were surpassed by others, at least until 1870.

In reaction against exaggerated reports resentful miners chose as their scapegoats those who had spoken favourably of the field.(40) Some threatened vengeance on the proprietor of the Cleveland Bay Express, others on Richard Daintree. Daintree was viciously accused of overrating his finds and 'gossip houses' suggested that the termination of his job was a result of his exaggerated reports. Clearly these accusations were unfounded. Daintree consistently warned that gold on the field was limited and not worthy of a rush. The facts were neatly expressed by Commissioner Hacket who commented,

Mr. Daintree plainly tells the government and the public that there is nothing whatever to encourage persons who are not experienced miners to go to the Gilbert River gold field in the hope of finding gold easily.(41)

In all new Queensland goldfields alluvial ground was rich but shallow and thus soon worked out. The first-comers generally did well but those who were incited by rumours of their success to follow almost always arrived too late and instead of making money it was all they could do to stay alive. Gold mining like all branches of industry required capital and experience to make it pay. The majority of those who rushed to the Gilbert were without capital and skill. Even with capital and sIdll gold mining was a gamble. In every lottery people draw prizes but the majority draw blanks. The miners who rushed to the Gilbert did so at their own risk and so there was little foundation for their often aggressive resentment resulting from disappointments. Newspapers could not be blamed for misleading the public. They published both favourable and unfavorable reports on the new diggings. Of the latter for instance, the Brisbane Courier

(38) James Gurdin, police magistrate Townsville to Colonial Secretary, 13 July 1869, QSA Col/A 129/2984/69

(39) ibid. 16 July, 1869 with QSA Col/A 129/2984/69

40) Brisbane Courier, 2 July, 1869.

(41) ibid. 5 June, 1869.

9.

could not have been more explicit in its warnings when it published the following:

All information up to now leads unmistakeably to the conclusion that those who at this period (June 5 1869) join in the rush to the Gilbert, in the hope that they will obtain gold in shallow alluvial ground with little labour will be woefully disappointed... It is not in our interest to discourage an influx of population to any portion of Queensland for an additional population means an additional revenue but we cannot but fear from the facts that are now before the public that the gold rush will be the means of causing injury and misery to many.(42)

The same newspaper vividly warned, "it does not follow that those who are now off in hot haste to the Gilbert will break their shins over nuggets on the surface of the ground or find lumps of gold on the surface.”(43) As early as May in 1869 the Brisbane Courier offered some trenchant advice to potential diggers, “...lastly I would advise no one to make a start until they hear further as to the permanency of the dlgglngs."(44) Yet despite all this firm public advice, diggers could not resist the temptation of gold and in the thrust of gold fever they blindly rushed to the field in their thousands. Even when circumstances became critical the majority clung on and persisted in thelr search for gold.(45) They displayed optimism which the Mackay Mercury aptly reflected with relation to the Gilbert in 1870: "It is anything but impossible that something may eventually turn up that will pay the men for their lost time and the privations incidental to a gold digger's life.....(46) There was

(42) ibid. 5 June, 1869.

(43) ibid. 5 June, 1869.

(44) ibid. 30 May, 1869.

(45) While in Gilberton I asked a lone alluvial miner why he persevered in his quest for gold today. He openly admitted he was irremissibly attracted to gold. On the question of gold fever he commented, "it gets you after awhile... I can tell you how to get it but I can't tell you how to get rid of it." Frank Atkinson, alluvial miner Gilberton 6 August 1974. It is the chance of something good turning up that induces this miner to persevere.

 (46) Mackay Mercury, 26 March, 1870.

10.

always a faith that something would turn up; as it was then it is now with Gilberton’s lone alluvial miner. Yet in the beginning it was formally and widely announced that the Gilbert was only on trial. Most of those who rushed there before obtaining reliable information, despite frequent warnings, had only their own foolishness to blame for their losses.

This is not to say that many were not deceived by the excitement in the coastal towns of Townsville and Cardwell. These towns had been established to meet pastoral needs but they were dependent on the inland diggings. Townsville and Cardwell competed fiercely for trade with the Gilbert fields. In trying to secure greater attention it was in their interests to promote their own roads and ports as being the most accessible to the new field. Both towns insisted that their road to the diggings was the best and newspapers commenced a lengthy debate on the dispute. If nothing else the debate attracted attention to the diggings and many inexperienced gold seekers ignored the fact that the goldfield was on trial and most insecure at that.

Initially, the road from Cardwell to the Gilbert offered several advantages over the road from Townsville. To begin with it was 91miles shorter.(47)  The route was in the main surrounded by rich land which was most important because the most desirable and permanent benefit of a goldfield was the inducement of agricultural settlement.

The rich lands around Cardwell contrasted sharply with the arid land surrounding Townsville which was generally unfit for agricultural purposes. Cardwell's Rockingham Bay was a land locked and secure harbour surrounded by attractive scenery, yet another contrast to the barren and dangerous Cleveland Bay.(48)  Cardwell supporters further argued that their climate ensured rain each month which guaranteed a constant supply of stock feed. Townsville in contrast often went without rain for three quarters of the year.

(47) In 1869 W.S.M. Cooper, a carter travelled both roads to the Gilbert and concluded that Tcwnsville to Gilberton was 301.5 miles whereas Cardwell to Gilberton was 210.5 miles. Brisbane Courier, 1 September, 1869.

 (48) A Cleveland Bay postmaster noted that because the Bay was so exposed to strong winds and because rocks inside the supposedly protected area were so numerous, the harbour had a history of fatal boat accidents.

11

Yet the road from Cardwell was not without its disadvantages. In travelling this route it was necessary to cross the formidable Seaview Range which was highly dangerous to teamsters. The steep slopes of the Range were slippery when wet and it rained frequently. Furthermore it took about a fortnight to ascend the Range and eleven days to descend it, a time during which it was often difficult to secure provisions. Townsville patriots wasted no time in warning travellers of the poisonous plants which existed on the western side of the Seaview Range about 65 miles from Cardwell. The plant which extended for about 10 miles along tile road was called Gastrolobium Grandiflora and was poisonous when in flower or seeding. Although it was said not to affect horses, cattle and other cud chewing stock soon fell prey to its poison.

The bitter feud between Townsville and Cardwell motivated the government engineer for roads in the Northern Division to inspect both routes to the Gilbert. He concluded that the Cardwell road was much less formidable than he had expected and "when the existing pinches are avoided by sidlings it will be an excellent mountain road."(50) But the “existing pinches" were not avoided and as the Gilbert became more populated it was soon apparent that teamsters preferred the Townsville road, a longer but more accesslble route.(5I)

PARTTWO                                                                                             CHAPTERTWO

GILBERTON RISE AND FALL

In 1869 busy lines of bullock and horse teams, drays and the newly introduced wagons all destined for the Gilbert were common sights in Townsville’s Flinders Street. Up to fifty loaded vehicles were frequently seen leaving in mass for the Gilbert.(1) The track was long and rough necessitating many weary weeks of travel but it was a busy road kept alive by hundreds of Europeans from far away.(2)  A sample cross section of 155 residents on the Gilbert field between 1869 and 1874 reveals that only 14.8% were Australian born while 44.5% came from European countries, mainly from England and Ireland and 38.6% migrated from China and Hong Kong.(3)  There were more Chinese on the field than the sample cross section suggests, at least in 1870 when official estimates showed more than half of the local population to be Chinese.(4) The sample is deficient in that it neglects other population groups including New Zealanders who arrived on the field in significant numbers. Early in 1870 the S.S. Boomerang arrived in Townsville to unload its complement of New Zealanders. Robert Gray described them as, "strong fleshy looking men, many of them with thick clothes on perspiring fiercely all ready to march on to the Gilbert.”(5)

(1) Borland, H., "Gold fields of the Sixties" in Stars of Gold Cutting File. A collection of uncatalogued articles from the Cairns Post, 1940-1955, held at James Cook University.

(2) Chinese also travelled the road but their numbers were limited until officially admitted on to the Gilbert goldfield in August 1869. Refer Chapter 5, p. 45.

(3) The sample cross section is based on deaths in the Gilbert River goldfields district from 1869 to 1873 and is derived from the register for deaths currently held at Herberton Courthouse. The percentage origins are interpreted as equivalence for the living population on the field. The equivalence is obviously not completely valid, the interpretation being only a first approximation. See Appendix A.

(4) See Appendix B.

(5) Gray, R., Reminiscences of India and North Queensland 18:37-1.912.ˇ (London--1913), P. 139.

At the receiving end, Commissioner Hacket struggled with a most insecure but expanding camp. As the travellers reached their destination, the camp soon became a service centre for the goldfield and after some initial instability a cosmopolitan township added the name of Gilberton to the map.

At a height of about sixteen hundred feet above sea level, Gilberton was located next to the confluence of the Gilbert River and Twenty One Mile Creek.(6) The town was formed at the foot of Tea Tree Gully and its streets were laid out widely divergent from a straight line, "an eccentricity peculiar to mining townships all over the colonies.”(7)  Shortly after its official proclamation Gilberton grew to a town of eight stores, five public houses which were all very crude wooden shacks, six bough sheds served as butcher shops, a calico lock up, courthouse, three chemists, blacksmiths shops and any number of dlggers’ huts. Owing to the shortage of ready timber, buildings were temporary and consisted of calico shelters which were a good substitute for the more permanent and expensive iron bark structures. Storekeepers however required something more substantial than calico. One resident recalled selling his canvas to tarpaulin after which he dec1ded to contract men to supply bark at five shillings a sheet, "we engaged men to strip the bark; this work kept us

and lasted until the wants of the town were fully supplied.”(9)

When the field began to show signs of permanency canvas tents gave way to iron bark huts. Long strips of iron bark were cut from trees and placed on the ground wet before being flattened by logs. When dry they were sold at exorbitant prices.(10)  These sheets were placed on end close together to form the sides of a structure. The tops were nailed and the bottoms emedded in the ground. The cheaper

(6) See rear cover map for approximate location of Gilbcrton. (7) Quoensland Express, 4 September, 1869. (8) Brisbane Courier, 6 September, 1869. (9)ı Corfield, W. H., B;.eminiscences of Queensland 1862-99, (Brisbaneˇ 1921), p. 37.ˇ  (10)ı These strips were extremely high priced at £2-10-0 per 100 linear feet. Qu()ensla'ld Express, 4 SepteJIlbor, 1869. Corfield clHrged 5/-por strip of bark which was about 6 feet long and 1 inch thick. Corfield, ibid. p. 37. Often people declined to pay 5/-per sheet because calico was a better bUy at ~/6d per yard. Queensland Expross, 4 September, 1869.

14

calico was often preferred for roofing. Windows were unknown and floors were generally trampled earth although where quartz crushing existed, crushing tails were used. The average miner preferred rough gunyahs or wurleys being cheap and easily erected and entailing no loss when a change of location was necessary.

As the goldfield became progressively more productive, Gilberton expanded into an apparently stable township. The creation of a new stone lockup, a hospital and many more stores and hotels and even a Chinatown gave Gilberton a settled appearance. Buildings were being erected and improved on all sides of the town, "giving the appearance of a permanent township.(11) At the height of its prosperity one newspaper described Gilberton as

a very well built township surrounded by magnificent gardens, producing fruit and vegetables in abundance from the pineapple to the humble but useful sweet potato and pumpkin, a town with a stately court, a recently completed Commissioners residence with luxurious bathrooms and all the etceteras -police barracks and a lock up and a number of commodious stores, one of the finest assembly rooms in the north, a post office and numerous private dwellings, together with an immense quantity of stores f goods, furniture and other property.(12)

This must have portrayed a utopian spectacle to the Southern reader. Gilberton could certainly boast about its vegetable gardens,(13) and most of the above-mentioned etceteras but the description was deceptive in its journalistic exaggeration.

Nevertheless, at its zenith Gilberton displayed all the features of a highly spirited and enthusiastic community. With an unusually high number of women or to use Victorian. jargon, "a goodly portion of Eve’s daughters”,(14)  and an average of thirteen hotels which were effectively nothing more than simple grog shanties, the townspeople or Gilbertonians exploited their recreational time. No time was

(11) Queenslander, 20 August, 1870.

 (12) Copperfield Miner, 18 April, 1874.

 (13)ˇ ~ownley to Minister for Works and Mines, 29 June 1870, QSA won/~ 26/1503/70. 1be Chinese were particularly skilled at producing fruit and vegetables from the generally sandy and barren soil.

 (14) ~~~ka~~ury, 24 October, 1869.

15.

wasted in preparing for Christmas festivities. In November 1869 a committee of Gilbertonian elite formed a turf club to liven up Christmas festivities. At the same time money was donated to the new athletics club. Although very isolated from the rest of the world, Gilbertonians were not free from the "social eruption which divides our embryo city into cliques and indeed gives a zest to our humdrum life.”(15) 'Social gusto' was well illustrated at the races which always gathered a large crowd who were not always orderly. At a turf meeting on New Year's Day 1870, Gilberton certainly made its mark on colonial horse racing circles when there was an incident which southern newspapers described as the most disgraceful event that over occurred in the colony on any race course. Newspapers reported that, all would have passed off well but for the unmanly conduct of some of the diggers who placed an obstruction across the course and evidently tried their best to injure both the horse and rider by pelting him with stones and waddies but happily he escaped injury.(16) 

The dispute originated when the horse ridden by its owner was supposed to have been stolen but it was satisfactorily proved by the stewards that this was incorrect. The race was re-run and the offenders reported their performance after which the race was cancelled and the horse in doubt credited victory.

Activities on the athletics field though more restrained than on the race course were no less merry. It was an occasion for colourful dress and some women even presented themselves in billowing crinolines. Their beaming countenances amused even the athletes who performed

" everything from throwing the light stone to standing the high jump.”(17)

Festivity was not restricted to Christmas. With a large number of Irish on the field, St. Patrick's Day was indeed a time of celebration.(18)  The immortal love of the Irishman for the home of his youth and the glory of his race was far from subdued. The celebration of St. Patrick's Day was the, "debate of the unforgotten

 (15) Queensland Express, 20 January, 1870.

 (16) Brisbane Courier, 9 February, uno.

 (17) ibid. 9 February, 1870. 'Standing the high jump' presumably means high jumping from the standing position.

(18) See Appendix A.

Past which still retains within it the seeds of an unknown future.”(19) St. Patrick’s Day was usually characterized by drunken brawls both inside and outside of Gilberton, the seriousness of which was often hard to gauge. One such brawl on St. Patrick's Day in 1870 between the Gilbertonians, nicknamed the ‘Wallabys’  and the Normanites from Normanton named 'the Alligators' began a tradition which after many swigs of what was termed 'calamity water' ended in a brawl with which victory usually fell to 'the Alligators'.(20) 

Apart from festive occasions, the population was generally orderly and when tempers tangled it was not so much an expression of personal malevolence as a sign of active community spirit of which there was no shortage. The presence of community spirit was well reflected with the formation of a hospital.(21) While Gilberton was affluent it became almost an individual responsibility among the wealthier to raise funds for the hospital. Once erected it was commonly accepted that successful miners and business profiteers should contribute five pounds to hospital funds.(22) While the town was prosperous this unwritten law was strictly adhered to and social functions were frequently held to raise funds. A considerable sum was raised at concerts where volunteers performed everything from classical arias to dirty ditties. Seventeen pounds was collected at a concert in 1870 in which,

The programme was creditably gone through, making allowances for the difficulties with which the singers had to contend not being able to meet for practice and we all know that in glee singing practice especially frequent is imperative.(23)

A group of enthusiasts even performed Act Three of Othello to raise money for the hospital.(24) Public lectures were also presented to raise funds. One noted lecture was delivered by Gilberton's second

EUROPEAN POPULATION

Those miners who detached themselves from the movement north and persevered with Gilbert River gold had witnessed dramatic population changes throughout their time on the field. In just five years they had been part of a community which at its zenith probably exceeded three thousand but by late 1873 had diminished to no more than one hundred.

Official population statistics are only approximate and therefore can only be regarded as estimates. Bearing this in mind, it seems likely that up to 1874 there was a permanent population of between three and seven hundred and a floating population of one thousand in the Gilbert district. (1) In its first rush year, 1869, it is likely that population numbers exceeded three thousand but many of these left the area before 1870. Indeed there was a general decline in population on the Gilbert until 1873 when figures increased slightly. (2) Up to 1872 almost the entire permanent population were based in Gilberton; thereafter many transferred to Georgetown. Similarly up to 1872 the nomadic population was either directly or indirectly dependent on Gilberton. Once Georgetown assumed importance miners in the northern division sought their rations from the new headquarters.

The permanent population which supported Gilberton consisted mainly of merchants, tradesmen, storekeepers, publicans, carriers, labourers, police, clerks, domestics, reporters, cooks, gardeners, women and children.(3) Yet miners constituted the vast majority of the population and they were distributed throughout the entire goldfield.

Those who were most likely to make money on the field were the publicans and storekeepers, "Thousands do well, hundreds do nothing

(1) Refer Chapter 2, footnote 32.

(2) According to official statistics, miners around Gilberton increased from 245 in 1872 to 530 in 1873. See Appendix B.

(3) Notably thore were no teachers or 0ducation facilities on the Gilbert during those yea!'s. Refor Chapter 8, pp. 81, 82. Similarly Gilberton was wIthout the clergy. Refer Chapter 8, Pp. 81, 82.

For instance, when gullies were worked out diggers walked away with all their goods but storekeepers with all their merchandise found it more difficult to move. In addition publicans paid thirty pounds a year for their licences which in many cases threatened their profits, the population being so uncertain and nOffi«.dic. (5) Despite these (6) occupational hazards anyone providing services came out best.

Those providing services on the goldfield were not as restrained as the miners. Gilbert miners were the most subdued members of the community both within the field and in relation to their political representation and status in the affairs of the colony. The nature of their work often in extreme remoteness subjected them not only to physical disadvantage but also to the pressures of psychological isolation. In these circumstances the Gilbert miner was detached from any political mouthpiece. Their occupational problems were so immense and demanding that there was little time or energy to offset their political quiescence.

"Every man who goes out hither has a right to demand that his political status shall be used to as best contribute to his O'Nll . ,,(7) .

happiness. The general complaint by radical leaders that the Australian miner was too individualised and indifferent to his class so long as he had a fair wage, sufficient leisure and a share in the country's prosperity certainly applied to the average miner on the Gilbert. The fight for individual well being was more important than the active voicing of poJitical grievances. On most

(4) Brisbane Courier, 17 April, 1869.

(5) Publican licences cost 30 pounds per year. St. George claimed this mn was too much and recommended that publicans on the field should be charged under the 'Country Publican Act' instead of the 'Police Act'. Under the 'Country Publican Act' the licence fee was scaled down to the vendor's capacity whereas under the 'Police Act' charges were uniform. St. George to Minister for Works and Mines, 19 June 1872, QSA WOR/A 52/ 1326/72.

 (6) Connole suggests that of t.he diggers in Victoria, onIy 5% made a fortune, <1570 made a fair living while 50% struggled on in poverty. Those who avoided the lottery and provided services were sure to be the winners. Connole, P.F., Australia and ·the New North, (Brisbane 1965), p. 49.

 (7) Trollope, A., Australia and New Zealand, (London 1973), p. 12.

associations succeeded in forming effective working class organizations during the gold rushes. Miners' apathy towards worker’s organizations was certainly not indicative of their ability to stand up for their rights. This is illustrated by the eight hour day movement which spread rapidly in Queensland where miners were among the first to succeed in the (8 )

struggle. 1110 rapid flood of immigrants from the southern goldfields, with their experience of shorter hours, combined. with the generally independent and aggressive nature of miners was largely responsible for their success.(9) It is also argued that the rapid success of the movement in Queensland was partly due to the general (10)

prospor1y 0 gold mining.

The predominant feature of early gold miners in North Queensland was individualism. Although miners sometimes combined to form Miners' Protection Associations, these were not political and certainly not the ancestors of later mining unions. Though they aimed to protect the mining industries they were much more catholic in their outlook than their title would imply.(ll) J.M. Macrossan, secretary of the Charter’s Towers Association, defined its aims as two fold. First, the Association was political in that it aimed to protect miners' political privileges, extend the franchise to all miners and assist in the creation of new mining electorates. Secondly, it aimed to secure the amendment of goldfield laws, assist in training and appointing Commissioners and lastly to foster and extend the mining interests in every way by united action through a system of sub

(8) Some trades succeeded in obtaining an 8 hour day in Queensland as early as 1866 but since the government refused to legislate for all trades each had to fight its own battle for the privilege. See Coghlan, LA., 0bour and Industry', (Australia 1969), pp. 1064-5. Also Fitzpatrick, B q '1110 British ~yire in Australia, (l\lelbourno 1949), p. 211. Also Go11an, R., Radical and Working Class Politics, (Melbourne 1960), p. 71.

 (9) Fitzpatrick, ibid. p. 211.

 (10) StoodleyI .J. I 111e P~D,~l..~2.. GO}':'~,=-~,1tner in. the Lat~__JHneteenth ~entury, (hi.A. Thesis Queensland 196,1), p. 337.

(11) jbid. p. 364. 23.

. (12) A

committees. 11 this looked very impressive on paper !Jut effectively the Association was restricted to matters concerning the extension of a telegraph to Havenswood and Charters Towers, the establishment of a district court and in 1873, they secured a bridge (13) at Ravenswood.

As a rule on North Queensland goldfields, the constantly mobile diggers necessitated a frequent change of membership within these associations. Consequently associations became more conservative as the field aged and the restless spirits moved on. On the Gilbert goldfield, the population was so nomadic that no associations were ever formed. The public meetings held in Gilberton to express opinions on certain affairs may well have culminated in some kind of association but the population was the restless for this to eventuate.

Miners on the Gilbert were generally too concerned with their own affairs to worry about colonial politics. The question of separating North Queensland from the rest: of the State' f0r insta.nce, excited ·"he people of Bowen and other settled communities in the north but attracted little or no attention on the Gi11Jel't. 'l1w Gilbert was already so separate with its widely scattered population that, "it would be a matter of impossibility to draw out a demonstration of popular opinion here on any question which did not directly and

. ,,(14)

individually affect every member of the community. The miners

on the field had neither the time nor inclination to consider the

question.

In contrast, affairs affecting the individual excited a reaction even if it was only talk. On the ·Gilbert considerable interest was expressed at news from Europe. The Franco Prussian war news aroused great interest particularly among those of Prussian extraction, "the all absorbing topic at present is the extraordinary telegram from

..(15)

the seat of war in Europe. Some interest was expressed at the Gilbert on the question of franchise. One writer commented that "there is a rapidly growing

(J.2) Northern Advocate, 27 December, 1873.

(13) ibid. 23 August, H.:73.

(14) Brisbane Courier, 20 December, 1869.

(15) ibid. 16 November, 1870.

24.

feeling here among the miners at the manner in which they are governed.”(16) Miners were heavily taxed yet had no voice in government because they had no member to represent their interests. The Gilbert field was electorally bound to the North Kennedy district whose sitting member neglected the isolated Gilbert. Some of the more active Gilbertonians called for their own electoral district where they could return men who understood their particular wants and sufferings. They argued that representation was the only way of enfranchising the community. The more affluent and influential business men on the field openly denied the right of the government to tax them, "taxation without representation is slavery and. not tobe tolerated.”(17) The  question stirred up community enthusiasm which at times attracted significant public attention. At the peak of public reaction one newspaper announced that it would not be long before a Gilbert candidate appeared and the call, "march of the Cameron men sounding, sounding, sounding from the Gilbert”,(18) filled the public houses.

In October 1870 Gilberton contributed to government revenue twelve hundred pounds from miners' rights and business licences. This was probably a larger sum than provided by any other goldfield in Queensland for a similar period.(19)

 Indeed with the export duty paid on gold, the duties on spirits, tobacco and other dutiable articles, miners on the field should have been given the chance to vote. But on the Gilbert they were not given the chance, they were just part of what Richard Daintree referred to as the 'swagsmen class’.(20) One miner took offence at being considered one of the 'swagsmen class' and in response to Daintree’s careless description he commented,

Tis true I am but a gold miner, poor wandering digger, one of that much abused class of colonists who develop the resources of the colony amidst hunger hardship and a host of minor miseries,

(16) .9ueensland l:~press, 15 September, 1869.

(17) ibid. 15 September, 1869.

(18) Northern Advocate, 16 August, 187J.

(19) ft.£,ckhamuton. ~"vlorning Bulletin, 24 September, 1873.

(20) See Richard Daintroe's June 1869 Report V.P. 1869, VoJ.. 11

p. 167.

25.

that intelligent units of our collective wisdom little dream of, one of an industrial body who are classically called swagsrnen by the discarded savant Mr. Daintree.(21)

If miners were as neglected as some writers indicate the government could hardly have been expected to take full responsibility for this condition. TIlere were certainly solid grounds for miners' grievances particularly on the question of franchise, communications.(22) regardlng the gold escort, and lack of Police protection. (23)

But the argument that government policy towards the northern "d "1 f 1 " . ,,(24), 1

goldfields was the, “ne plus of ultra stupidity’’(24) is unreasonable. Available archives material indicates that the government was generally prompt in their replies to mining affairs. When delays did occur it was more often than not due to misunderstanding than to inefficiency.(25)

A study of those who administered the Gilbert and thus communicated directly with the government unveils a wealth of historical information. It not only furnishes us with an understanding of the demanding responsibilities and difficulties which Commissioners encountered but also contributes significantly to our knowledge of life on the Gilbert.

(21) Queensland Express, 1 September, 1869.

(22) See Chapter 6, pp. 60, 61.

(23) See Chapter 9, pp. 100-105.

(24) Queensla~~~r, 9 April, 1870.

(25) Considering at the height of Gilbertons prosperity QL~oensland was recovering from a severe depression, from all a:.:;col1nt!'; j.t; s&oms that the government was generally both eflicient and gEmerous in its treatment of the Gilbert goldfield.

PART TWO                                                                                 CHAPTER FOUR ADMINISTRATION

When gold was first discovered in Sacramento in 1849, California was separated from the settled and governed east of the Uni.ted States by two thousAnd miles of sea around Cape Horn or by the cholera and fever stricken routes of Mexico or the Panama. Without govornment control miners in Sacramento formed on the spot commIttees to administer their new fields. Disorderliness was common and under these committees lynch law ruled New South Wales and Victoria were already populated at the outbreak of tho goldrushes. In contrast to the Californian situation, gold had been found in areas adjacent to seats of firmly established govermnent. Imperial Parliament had passed an Act for the 'Better Government of Her Majestys Australian Colonies' before the Australian gold discoveries in 1850. This Act gave New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia and Van Diemans Iand legislative councils. TIle beginnings of colonial democracy can therefore be seen before the goldrushes even though their own constitutions were not formulated until the mid 1850's. (1)

During 1855 Victoria introduced to her goldfields local courts and thereafter mining boards. Local courts were granted under the reformed government. They were presided over by wardens who were the old Commissioners with a new name and smaller powers. The local courts had power to make local regulations and to sit as absolute courts without any appeal system. However, the conjunction of legislative and judicial functions did not work satisfactorily owing to the “multiplicity of courts being followed by amultitude of regulations.”(2) Hence local courts were replaced by mining boards which were given control over larger areas. Parliamentary legislation in 1857 created the mining boards which were invested with legislative and admintstrative functions. Each board was given a five hundred pound government1)

The Act alGo extended the franchise on which the legislative councils were to be elected and also invited them to submit for imperial upproval constitutions of their own devising. Ward, R., Austra.lia, (Sydney 1967), p. 84.

(2) Withers, W.B., TIle lhstory of tIle Ballarat, (Ballarat 1870), p. 188.

a disgrace to the Victorian Colony, "a libel on its intelligence and a harassing curse to the miner.”(3) Critics asserted that mining boards were kept alive by the Victorian ministry for political use at elections.

For in a colony where at least a braze of whitewashed

Yankees are included in the Ministry, the organization at elections partakes much of the character of those in America. There is the same unblushing, roll stuffing corruption, dead man,·vo+'ing, rlwnmying and irrepressible political Vitality, so that these minin~ boards are useful in their way for pulling the wires. ( )

Whether or not this criticism was justifiable by the 1860's, a uJ1iform code of mining law for the wt'.ole colony was favoured in place of the mining boards.

When gold was first discovered in Queensland opinion was very much against the Victorian mining boards. So unlike the administrative system of boards with theil" own local legislation, most Queen::;land goldfields were administered by gold Commissioners or after 1874 by Wardens, who were directly responsible to the Colonial government in Brisbane. (5) Commissioners were directly responsible to the Department of Works and Mines. T duties included issuing licences, settling disputes and ensuring that the operations of individual diggers were not carried on to the detriment of the (6)

comnllmity in general. The officially determined duties gave a Commissioner control of water privileges to ensure the proper use of water. It was also his duty to supervise the type of washing done a t any stream or wator hole. He was empowered to resolve disputes whenever they occurred but was encouraged to avoid them by posting outside his office a list of all prospecting claims daily registered. A Comm            issioner had the authority to proclaim now leads and investib~te

(3)

Queensland

Express,

9 November,

1869.

(4)

ibid:

9 November,

1869.

(5)

Gympie "vas the only goldfield in Queensland successful self administration through a mining board.

in gaining

(6)

Commissi.oners' duties are explained in the management of Goldfields Act (2Q Victorao No. 29). Sce the amending goldfield regUlations in ~~., 1870, Vol. 1, pp. 275-284.

paya €Iı gold.

To effectively perform these demanding duties it was necessa"ry for a Commissioner to have had practical experience in gold mining, to have a thorough knowledge of mi.ning legislation and customs and to cope with G\ multitude of men used to freely expressing their ideas. To these qualifications must be added a "rigid jJ11partiality in hearins

.ı ,,(7)

d ~sputes.

Not all Commissioners were able to fulfil these demands as \\ToU the case of Gilberton's first Commissioner who became the subject of bitter debate among conflicting groups of miners On the field.

THOillAS RIDGE HACKET

Thomas Hacket was officially appointed gold Commissiollor of the Gilbert River field on JlUle 29, 1869. Once matters concerning the formation of Gilberton were in hand, Hacket's attention was drawn to the goldfields rewards issue. Public pressure allowed him to waste no time in recommending to the government the party responsible for the discovery of the goldfield.

If a field proved payable the discoverer or party who first reported it received a reward from the goverrunent. The reward v/as determined by the field's distance from previously discovered fields and on the population it supported.(S) Although it was agreed that the discovery of new fields should be encouraged, there was considerable disagreement as to the form that encouragement should take. Were rewards after the disco'iery as beneficial as assistance towards discovery? Was an alluvial find as significant as the discovery of a reef? COItunissioner Pring t s Royal Co:nmission report on the management of goldfields in 1871 recommended that rewards should

(7) Brisbane Courier, 17 May, 1869.

(8)ı 'J11e provisi.ons of the Act were p'Jblished in the Port DO!li~oD.-Itmes et al., throughout most of 1869. For example see J?<E"~cni:~ Ti~~, 29 May, 1869.

the grounds that in the earlier days when few ventured into the unKnown,

they were justified but once gold bearing areas were por1Jlat~d the

money would be better directed towards the improvement of nev' . (l0)

mach~nery.

lv/o parties applied for the reward from the Gilbert field. A party consisting of Messrs Leslie, Baird and Edwards claimed that in

openingı up l~a Tree Gully they were the first discoverers of payable

gold onı the field.(ll) Their opponents, a Mr. Burrows and party

argued that they ha.d first found payable gold at Twenty One Mile Camp near Mt. Hogan. A series of letters from witnesses agreed that Burrows and his party were the first to find gold but their find did not attract a population large enough to comply with the clauses of

(2)

the reward. Furthermore, when Tea Tree Gully was opened almost

all theı population from ~venty One Mile camp including Burrows and

his party, quickly left for the new gully. In his report Hacket stressed that on the discovery of Tea Tree Gully others were immediately abandoned so Leslie, Baird and Edwards are, "the only party who can with any degree claim the reward",(13) which legally should have come to

(14)

four hundred pounds. Undoubtedly majority support was behind

(9)ı Mr. Pring visited Gilberton in February lSn where he discussed goldfield regulations with miners at the Farriers Arms Hotel. QTisb~~Courier, 16 March 1871. For Pring's conclusions and final report see V.P. 1871, Vol pp. 569-586. For his recommendations on rewards see p. 580.

(la) Rockhampton Morning Bulletin, 16 April, 1873.

(11)ı

Leslie Baird and Edwards to Hacleet,' T.R., 7 September 1869, QSA WOR/A 19/2101/69.

(12)ı

William Nation to Imcket, 10 September, 1869, ibid. J. Gregory to Hacket, 11 September, 1859, ~. William Carnpbell and l110mas Ellan to Hacl~et, 6 September 1869, ibid.

(13)ı

Hacket to Minister for Public Works, 17 September 1869, QSA WOn/A 19/2101/69.

(14)ı

Clause C of the Goldfield Rewards Act states, "For the discovery of a goldfield distant more than three miles and not exceeding five miles from the nearest gold workings on which there shall be employod three months after the report of the discovery having beon made not less than 200 men a sum not exceeding £400. it Port Denison Times, 29 !\lay, 1869.

all seemed vet'y hopeful for this party. But their hopes were to prove futile because as Hacket had correctly revealed, these men were

. D. (J.5) A .

volunt eel' prospectors working under Rl.chard al.lltree. s part of Daintree's volunteer party they were responsib~e to the goverp~ent and as their. rations and supplies were financed by the government

(l6)

they were not entitled to the reward. Conclusively no party received the reward.

When alluvial gold became scarce it was evident to all Gilbcrtonians that if their field was to survive it would do so through quartz ml.nl.ng. But quartz mining on the Gilbert could only be made profitable with machinery. (17) To attract maehinery Gilberton made itself heard throughout the colony, "Again I earnestly invite capitalists to embrace this golden opportunity. IViachinery is sure to be here at

,.' t"( 18)

some period but bear in mind, the early bird gathers the worm. Several meetings were held to form a quartz crushing company and by September 1869 Gilberton was ready to welcome machinery. Then, to the regret of his subjects Hacket incorrectly announced tl~t it would cost five thousand pounds to place a machine on the Gilbert. E.,,:::perienced miners unanimously said it would cost only half that sum to bring 8. first class machine to the field. Newspapers from all over the colony publishod Hacket's incorrect reports and in consequence machine owners refrained from sending their machines. TI1e issue was terminated, leaving the Gilbert goldfields without: machinery.

At a time when the need for machinery was imperative, Hacket grossly misrepresented the interests of his people by publicly announcing incorrect facts. Experienced miners soon discredited their new Commissioner. Jlv1any Gilbertonians openly opposed him, which combined with subsequent events, culminated in a petition for his removal in November 1869.

It fundamentally complained that Hacket could not administel

(I5) Hacket to Minister for Public Works, 17 September 1869, QSA WOR/A 19/2101/69.

(16) Herl)ort to lIacket, 19 January 1870, QSA WOR/A 20/2225/6~. (I7) Refer Chapter 6, pp. 62-66.

(18) £!,~~anc Courier, 16 September, 1869.

dealing with miners' clain     n6' source      uTeacning the regu"lations at times " (20)

by grantlng too much land, Hackot went as far as to allow one man . , " (21)

to hold two shares under one illlner s rlght. The Queensland Exnress aptly reported, "this blundering incompetence and wilful violation of             (22)

the regulationons Wl assure y crea e serlous 1 1

If indeed accurate the problems were serious. Not only in the doubt

which developed over Ifficket's administrative impartiality but also

in bending the regulations to give one man twice his share he was

defrauding public revenue. Instead of collecting the value of two miner's rights he was collecting only one.

It would appear from a series of letters sent by Hucket to the government denouncing Gilberton' s mining registrar, T. Browne, that there was some foundation in the t'.bove mentioned accusatJons relating to the mismanagement of regulations. 'The letters were of a series (23)

pertaining to a bitter feud between Backet and Browne. In one letter Browne was charged with having made deliberate errors :i.n the registration ~f prospecting claims. 'rho accusations originated fro;n a claim issued by the Commissioner which the official register recorded as 280 feet when the maximum allowed was 200 feet. Hacket accused Browne of deliberately increasing the fi~lre when entering it into the register. The issue W8,.S soon clarified when Browne sUJl11ittec: to the government a copy of the original registration ticket signed by Hacket. These tickets were granted on the field by the Conunissioner and it was then the claimant's responsibility to officially register it at Gilberton. Clearly the excess land had been approved and signed

.. (24)

b y the Commissioner.

(19)ı

Petition : Miners of Gilberton to Minister for Public Works, 16 November 1869, QSA WOR/A 21/2199/69.

(20)ı

Browne, T., to Minister for Public Wo:rks, 17 May 1870, QSA WOR/A 24/876/70.

(21)

Queensland Express, 9 Novembel', 1869.

(22)

ibid. 9 November, 1869.

(23)ı

Perhaps two of the most turbulent letters in this feud were, Browne to Minister for Public Works, 4 October 1869, QSA WOH/A 21/2109/69 and Haclwt to Minister for Public Works, 1.9 May 1870, QSA WOR/A 24/383/70.

(24) Browne to Minister for Public ~'Jcrks, 17 ~\18,y 1870, QSA WOR/A 24/87~/70.

neglected to report the findings and thus were !lpt entitled to the

land. In any such di.spute the Commissioner and two elected assessors visited the site to resolve the disagreement. But on this occasion instead of electing two assessors, Hacket brought two of his friends along to do the job. In consequence the miners were defeated in (25) their protest. In reporting the incident one bitterly critical journalist proclaimed, "I wish to be distinctly understood that in reference to the conduct of the gold Commissioner I neither exaggerate the facts nor am I animated in any personal feelings what strilkes me as a pew chtL'll in this colony is the deliberate te violation of the regulations by the Commiss:i.oner when dealing with Jlliners disputes. I have studied the gold Commissioner closely and in my opinion th7 man is mentally incapable for his office. ,,(2fi)

The journalist was supported by the petition to remove Hacket which implicitly stated that the Commissioner was tUlfit fo.t' the job, "by habit and previous occupat:i.ons to adjudicate mining d~.sputes Ol' other judicial duty where average perceptive power and reasoning faculties are required to enable him to arrive at an equitable decision. ,,(27) TIlis attitude was again reinforced when a party supposedly lost their claim because their pegs were only twenty inches above the ground instead of the officially stipulated twenty four inches. The Co@nissioner's decision to cancel the claim because of the pegs was widely pUblicized and caused great resentment among

"ı . ,,(28)

miners who claimed, this vagary is neither law or practice. Similarly, when Hacket circulated a letter to claim holders warning that every man must work eight hours every day or his claim would be resumed, intense dissatisfaction prevailed, particularly as even Backet, despite government regulations, took the liberty to be a (25)

Queensland Express, 9 November, 1869.

(26)

i.bid. '18 November, 1869.

(27)ı

Petition : Miners of Gilberton to Minister for Public Works, le November lSG9, QSA IVOR/A 21/2199/69.

(28)

Queonsland Express, 9 November, 1869.

33.

. 1· (29)

partnerı 1n a c

u~m.

Hacket was a man of the town who only ventured into the bush when it was absolutely necessary. Consequently another grievance presented in the petition reIL\.ted to this, "utter want of energy on visiU_ng the various parts of his gold field ••. Since his arrival he has not been

. ,,(30)

ten miles from his camp at G11berton.

His feud with the mining registrar began when T. Browne submitted a complaint to the government clainling; that Hacket was using government orderlios as private servants, their employnlent being "digging the garden, cleaning the boots, washing the clothes, looking after horses and waiting on friends at the expense of performing offi.cial duties.”(31) As the conflict botween Broyme and Backet embittered it became clear that Browne was not perhaps the demigod that fellow miner3 saw him to (32)

be. Nevertheless it is plainly clear that Browne knew how to manage the miners whereas Backet did not have ability to c0ntrol the

same men.

On receiving the petition containing 64 signatures, the government sympathised with the complaints. Consequently the Commissioner was dismissed from the goldfield and the public service.

COJl1r.lissloner lIacket t s dismissal was not without opposition. Immediately his dismissal became known a group of his supporters rallied a petition which was endorsed by 291 signatures. The petition claimed that Hacket, "has always proved himself a gentleman, by his (29)ı

Under the Act gold Commissioners were prevented from holding shares or being pecuniarily interested directly or indirectly in claims of mining companies. Gold Commissioners were frequently warned against holdiug interests in gold clulifis through memos dispatched from the Department of Public Works. See Queens13 nd Governnient Gazette, Vol. 10, 1869, pp. 11-51, 1183, 1313.

(30)ı

Potition : Miners of Gilberton to Minister for Public Works, 16 November IB69, QSA WOH/A 21/2199/69.

(31)ı

The orderlies t officiid duties included assisting the Conunissioner in his outdoor activities only when not required for work in the office. Browne to Minister for Public Works, 4 October 1869, QSA WOR/A 21-30/2109/69.

(32)ı

Bl'O\Wle was dismissed from office on March 30, uno as a re8ult of accusations made by Hacket relating to forgery. Drown€) tried unsuccessfully to defend hilllsolf. Browne to Secretary for Public Works, 17 May 1870, QSA WOR/A 24/876/70.

___--------------~~4.

urbanity of manner as a gentleman and his abilities and impartiality "I ,,(33) I

as an o.ff" ••• mmediately on arriving at the Gilbert Hacket

lClB made it his business to establish friends with the more affluent members of the comlTtlmity. After several months they commented on'

·., ".t t d' h' dt d' 'ddl 1 ,,(34)

Hacket as oelng, ln en on olng lS u y an aeCl e y popu ar. One paper reported while others noted, "Our worthy Commissioner has done his utmost to please in a gentlemanly and courteous manner during his administration.,,(35) Others agreed that although Hacket made an error in becoming involved with the discussions on the crushing macl1ilw, it was always clear that he, "is a gentle;nan in every way fi ttod to fulfil the office he holds.,,(36)

In their petition, those who supported Hacket claimed that he had an established and highly esteemed character as a fOM.d'~ geologist in New Zealand, "whose records sufficiently attest his ab" as a sClen lS' • UC .ear y lS reeel' s 1 no

1.>.1't''les , t' t ,,(37) B t] 1h' dd'd t necessarily attest his abilities as a goldfield administrat.or. The petition further claimed that Hacket had scarcely received a complaint from his decision in mining matters. As we have seen this was not true. In rf':lsponse to Browne t S complaints Hacket confessed that "I ,,(38)

acknowledge the statements in the main to be correct.

Despite the many complaints from various sectors of t:he commun:U:y there is little doubt that Ilacket exerted himself in town act:i.vities. With hardly an exception, whenever there was a comrrnmity m~!etjng concerning hospital aid, turf club, ai.hletics, concerts and other affairs, Hacket attempted more often than not to actively participate.

(33)ı

Petition: inhabitants of Gilberton to Minister for Public Works, 10 February 1870, QSA CollA 24/856/70. Although this petition was endorsed by 291 signatures, 43 of these were sjgned by Townsville residents and 14 by residents at P..avenswood and elsewhere. Therefore only 234 Gilbertonians signed the supporting petition which certainly exceeds the 6 /! who signed the opposing petition.

(34)

Brisba~__~jer, 6 September, 1869.

(35)

ibid. 17 November s 1869.

(36)

ibid. 6 November, 1869.

(37)ı

Petition: Inhabitants of Gilberton to Minister for Public WorJ::s, 10 February 1870, QSA WOR/A 24/876/70.

(38)ı

lIacket to Minister for Public WorkS, 19 May 1870, It-SA WOH/A 24/ B83/70.

the Gilberton elite took place •.•ou!' worthy Commissioner was voted. · ,,( 39) 1" ". J .. (40)

t hıh U

o t e Call'. he Gllberton arlstocracy elected IIlr. lacket •.• In nearly all commentaries whic!! favour the Commissioner, the word I gentleman' is frequently citect. NII'. llacket was almost always considered a gentleman but when it came to controlling a group of excited miners impartia.l authorj.ty was more .respected than gentlemanly politeness. Certainly the Co~nissioner was well educated and his experiences in intellectual affairs were sound but there was nothing to suggest that he was experienced in leading miners on the field. Hacket's obvious disregard for mining regulations whether deliberate or not is perhai)s indicative of his inexperience in dealing with mining men. On his last night in Gilbe.cton the average miner celebrated his dismissal While the elite delivered their best wishes at his farewell pal'ty, "he will carry with hi.m the heartfelt wishes

. ,,(41)

of a great number of people for his future welfare and prosper~ty.

It is clear from the number of signatures on his petition that Hacket would leave with the sUppvl't of many Gilbertonians but I would suggest his supporters were greatly swelled by the busj.ness and more affluent sectors of society. Among the majority of miners Hacket was not popular. They lmanimously agreed that regulations should be

..ı . ..(42)

administered, without fear or favour equally between rich and poor. Yet IIacket broke regulations to suit. his friends and favourites who always comprised the educated and affluent Gilbertonians.

On receiving the second petition in favour of Hacket, the goverrunent, partly sw·ayed. by the many signatures, decided he had been removed too

. (43)

hastlly. In consequence, Hacket was re-employed by the pubU.c service and posted as gold Commissioner of the Ravenswood field, where

(39)ı

Cited frequently in most reports from the Gilbert, both official and unofficial.

(40)

ibid.

(41) Brisb~Courier, 22 March, 1870.

(42)ı

Petition : Miners of Gilberton to Minister for Public Works, 16 November 1869, QSA WaR/A 21/2199/69.

(43)ı

Minister of Public Works memo to Secretary, 9 June 1870, QSA WaR/A 24/883/70.

. (44)

again he proved decidedly unpopular among the majority or mlners.

Apparently Gilbcrton' s next Commissioner, Captain Townley had spol:en

highly of Hacket and of the injustices i.mposed on him ty the

(45)

government. Convinced that he had always endeavoured to carry

out his duties conscientiously, TO\\'nley firmly recommended that . d' t 1 .t d(46) S f th d1 f

11ack°et b e lffime la e y re-appoUl e . aved rom _0 or ea 0

public disgrace, Hacket welcomed his new appointment in Havenswood

while his relieved opponents in Gilberton curiously vie:\vod the

arrivalı of Gi1berton's next Commissioner, whose role on the Gilbert

told a very different story.

CAPTAIN TOWNLEY

Town1eyı arrived et Gilbertol1 in April 1870, tired and weary

after a harassing traverse through floods which severely impeded his . (47)

Journey. He was given no chance to rest after the trying journey.

Only hours after arriving, Townley's enterprise was in demand over a

(4.4)ı COllll1lissionor Hacket was examined as part of a Parli~l.mentar~' Commission in February 1871 where it appeared there was considerable discontent in the manner he handled disputes. ~R.. 1871, Vol 1 p. 596-602 inclUding p. 626. In November 1871 the Legislative Assembly was presented with a petition for the removal of.Hacket from Ravenswoocl on the grounds that, "he rendered himself obnoxious to the inhabitants of Ravenswooct."

V.P. 1871-72, Vol 1 p. 37. lbe petition was signed by 1011 Havenswood residents, a significant portion of tha total population which numbored 3,120 in 1871 and 2,539 in 1872. In December 1871 Hacket was flogged by ~a~rossan (organizer of the Ravenswood Miners'Association) in front of 500 spectators. See Hill, \/.R.O., Forty Five ~ea.!~~p0riep..c£ in Nort.h Quee!1s1~nd, (BrisLane 1907), p. 54. See also Boltcn, G.C., A Thowmnd lviiles Away, p. 64.

(45)ı

Minister for Puhlic Works memo to Secretary, 9 June 1870, QSA WOR/A 24/833/70.

(46)ı

Townley to Minister for Public Works, 7 April 1870, QSA WOR/A 28/778/70.

(47)ı

'l'ownley and his orderly lost all their possessions on the journey, includirlg £140 police pay. Townloy vividly describes the journey "through two cyclones in a letter to the Minister for Works. Townley to l\'Jinister for Works, 4 March 1870, (,~SA WOR/A 28/1914/70. Sce also Townley to Minister for Works 7 April ]870, QSA IVOR/A 28/778/70.

37.

dispute concerning a cl-aim which involved illegal registration of · k t d ] "l't . t. (48)

t lC e·sı an a comp.ex case Ol 1 J..ga 'lon.

From the onset Townley was seriously concerned about the problem of litigation which was rife in Gilberton particularly among storekeepers.

Townley promptly warned the government that uIlless a sl.1bCo~~

issioner was appointed, his responsibility to visit outlying areas of the goldfield would' suffer becaus(~ he was so involved \\,ith

.t . 1 t (49)

maglserla mat el's.

Townley's success in solving the many litigo.tion problems carn(}d him much respect. His decisive and fair treatment of vary:Lng probiems contrasted sharply with Commissioner lJacket. Townley l'egarcied. miners as the pioneers of the colony, "it wo.S they who pushed forwc<.rds into a country previously unknown which became civilized as soon as the

,,(50)ı . .

miners unearthed its treasures. Notably the oconOJU1C lmpulse

(51) .

which opened up most of Australia came from wool, but thl.s was

(52)

not so in North Queensland, where the gold :frontier was responsible.

In North Queensland attempts at developing a pastoral industry in the 1860's were unsuccessful. The formidahle nature of the area proved large scale investment impracticable. Captain Townley respected miners as pioneers responsible for frontier development and not just

as miners. In return miners respected Townley for hi.s just and understanding approach to their affdirs. Townley was a mode~t and

selfrighteou3 man and if anything slightly over sensitive when it

came to criticism. The Department of Works distribl1.ted n circular expressing the unsatisfactory state of the revenue attributed to

the want of sufficient energy and attention on the Dart of variGus

.ı (53)

officers for the collectlon of such revenue. Townley interpreted

(48)ı

The issue was left unsolved by Haclwt and involved a prosperol'.s Gilberton business company, Tulloch Nation and Co. A group of miners correctly accused them of not doing 6 mcnths work on a claim as reqUired by the Act. ~:.!l'? CO\l_i::t.er, 10 May 1870.

(49)ı

Town.lcy to Minister for Works and Mines, 7 April 1870, QSA WOR/A 28/778/70.

(50)

!3r~ne Courier, 5 October, 1871.

(51) Han ~ock, W.K.• Australi~, (Brisbane 1961), p. 2.

(52)

Bolton, G.C., Q£~it., pp. 44-71.

(53)ı

!,1inister for Works and Mines to Gold COHllUissiol1ers, 5 July 1870, QSA WOR/No. 269/70 (not cited).

38.

the circular as an attack on his role as Commissioner and in reaction he replied with a detailed account of his performed duties. Th.e government aSBurod Townley that it did not refleGt on him persona.lly and it genially commented in an internal correspondence, "we are glad to find out that he so cheerfully endeavours to carry 011t his

· ,,( 54)

dut 1.e8.

Clearly, Townley was successful in the performance of his duties. Unlike the days tmder Hacket when reports revealed bitter conflict, Tovmley received mostly praise and respect from his subjects. Even the Department of I\Unes and Works commented, "convey to him my testimony of the satisfactory manner in which he performed his duties as gold Commissioner at Gilberton and my congratulations upon his

. ,,(55)

promotlon.

To the personal disappointment of most of the community, Townley reL;eived a promotion and new posting in Rockhampton. He had been on the Gilbert for eighteen months during which time he had met with no unpleasantness in the discharge of his duties. The Gilbert goldfields had met with many drawbacks and inconveniences owing to the long distance from Townsville. As Townley said when applying for a pay rise, "the duties here are of a more harassing character, the climate in some seasons very unhealthy, the common necessities of life treble the expense of those in the now settled districts.,,(56)

The Gilbert's next Commissioner, unlike Hacket or Townley on assuming office was already familiar with the fields. Prior to his departure, the goverrunent obliged Townley in his request for another gold Commissioner. In 1871 Howard St. George was appointed assistant gold Commissioner for the area and he was placed in charge of Georgeto~n where he asswned responsibility for the Northern Division of the field.

(54)ı

Minister for Works and Mines to Under Secretary, no date, with QSA WOR/A 27/1752/70.

(55)ı

Minister for Works and Mines to 1om1ley, 5 October 1871, QSA \vOlVA 42/3552/71.

(56)

Townley to Minister for \'Jorks and Mines, 8 September 1870, QSA WOR/A 28/1925/70.

39.

HOWARD ST. GEORGE

Howard St. George was promoted to Commissioner of the Gilbert goldfield just before Townley departed on October 6, 1871. St. George asswned office at a time when Gilberton a.nd its immediate area witnessed a dramatic population exodus to the northern areas of Western Creek and the Etheridge River. (57) In consequence he spent

most ofı his time in the northern areas of the goldfield.

St. George was instrlIDlental in the transformation of goldfield . . (58)

headquarters from G1lberton to GeorgeT-own. In the early months of his new responsibility St. George was confronted with the pressures of a new rush. These were «Hu5~rcileJ by the many telegrams which he sent to Bri.sbane requesting basic essentials needed to cope with the

.ı (59) (60) .

new rush. H1S request for black troopers, arms, money w1th . . (61) (62). . . (G3)

Whl.:;h to bU1ld sheds, a courthouse and add1t1onal or<1erl1GS

(64)

and a large gold safe are all indicative of the heavy demands imposed on his resources as a gold Commissioner.

In a letter to the government St. George stated, "I wish to explain that business has so rapidly increased here in Georgetown that I am unable to attend to the wants of the southern portion of the district.,,(65) Quite obviously it was impossible to cope with the impact of a new rush in the north and the affairs of the south·

at the same time. It was for this reason that St. George urged the . . . (66) I tth'

government f or another gold COmnllSS:LOner. n response Cl • 1S

(57)

Refer Chapter 2, pp. 18, 19.

(58)

Refer Chapter 2, p. 19.

(59)ı

St. Georgo to Minister for Works and Mines, 3 May 1871, QSAˇ WOR/A 37/1722/71.ˇ

(60)

ibi.d.

(6])ı St. George to Minister for Works and Mines, 14 August 1871, QSA with WOR/A 45/184/72.

(62)ı

St. Geargo to Minister for Wo:cks and Mines, 18 August 1871, QSAˇ WOR/A 45/3057/71.ˇ

(63)

ibid.

(64)ı

St. George to Minister for Works and Mines, 27 February 1872,ˇ QSA WOR/A 48/954/72.ˇ

(65)

ibid.

(66)ı

Townley to Minister for Works and Mines, 5 October 187J., QSAˇ WOR/A 42/3552/71.ˇ

call George Elphinstone Dalrymple was appointed assistant goldfield Conunissioner in late October 1871. Dalrymple was based in Gi.lberton where he was given responsibility for the southern portion of the

district.

From then on St. George had very little to do with Gilberton. Early in 1872 he assulllcd control of

The Etheridgo goldfield. Dalrymple was responsible for

the Gilberton goldfield

which then constituted the southern division of the new Etheri.dge district.

GEORGE ELPHINSTONE DALRYMPLE

On his arrival in Gilberton the declining town and field was looking depressed. Yet the small and diligent population who chose not to be part of the northern rush insisted that any signs of decline on the field were only temporary. Of this Dalrymple needed some convincing because on his arrival he was most unimpressed with accommodation, "a small thatched hut ten feet square: erected two years previously", (67) and characteristic of the depressed state of the town. Realizing it was too dilapidated for repair Dalrymple asked St. George to obtain from the government money to build a now dwelling. (G8) Without delay and with his, "old disregard for

. ,,(69)

regulatl0ns , Dalrymple proceeded to build the unit prior to official approval. He at least notified the government of his action, "such was the urgency of the necessity to prepare a suitable residence before the commencement of the rain that I was obliged to anticipate your permission.”(70) During the completion of the new residence, St. George received approval from the government to spend fifty pounds on a Commissioner's house at Gilberton. (71) But already Dalrymplehad spent more than he had expected. Thus he applied for another (67)

Quoted in Farnfield, J., FrontieJ:sman, (Melbourne 1968), p. 118.

(68)

Dalrymple to St. George, 13 December 1870, QSA WOR/A 48/1019/72.

(69)

Farnfield, J"., £p.ci!.., p. llS.

(70)ı Dalrymple to Secretc.ry for lI-linc;s and Works, 15 February 1872, QSA WOR/A 48/1018/'/2.

(71)ı Department of Works and Mines to CounCil, 28 January 1872, QSA with Col/A. 48/),67/72.

41.ı

one hundred pounds with which to build, "a most compact suitable Commissioner's establishment with a small horse yard and paddock.”(72) Fortunately for Dalrymple the extra money was granted which as it turned out was a good investment because he was to spend the next eighteen months in that residence.

With the increase of peripatetic miners around Gilberton and the disc-overy of new reefs on the Etheridge demanding St. George's total attention, Dalrymple was raised in rank to gold Commissioner. He was placed in charge of Gilberton and its fie-Id which 1 as we have established/for official purposes constituted the southern portior.. of the Etheridge district.

t5?r

In the capacity of his new rank, he immediately applied  stationery and other equipment. Months passed without a reply; Dalrymple commented "the communications between this place and Brisbane are so irregular occupying at times as much as a voyage to England.”(73) He therefore requested a years supply of stationery most of which on arrival had to be condemned. Twine and imperishable. articles were packed in et steel case while letters and paper were roughly packed in bags. After a seven hundred mile voyage over sea and a three hundred mile journey (71) in bullock drays the perishable articles were useless on arrival."

Despite Dalrymple's attempts to uplift the area, Gilberton and its area was clearly playing a secondary role to Georgetown. The circumstances in and around Gilberton were obviously preventing the original town from getting on its feet again. Yet its eternally optimistic residents were sure that Gilberton would thrive ab~in. One resident commented,

I hope to raise the Gilbert district

from the lethargy and torpor it has

been for the last two years groaning under.

But we hope to show Queensland and the

world at large that we are not dead

but sleeping.(75)

(72) Dalrymple to Secretary for Works and Mines, 15 February 1872, QSA WOR/A 48/1018/72.

(73) Dalrymple to Minister for Works and Mines, 30 November 1871, QSA WOR 4161/71 with WOR/A 48/1014/72.

(74) ibid.

(75) Mackay Mercury, 3 May, 1873.

 These hopes were quickly thwarted when in 1873 Dalrymple announced Gilberton’s tempoary collapse, “As the mining population has fallen away…my services have become unnecessary here.”(76) Following this report Dalrymple was removed from the goldfield and placed in charge of an urgent governmont exploration job.

The Gilberton goldfield was without a Commissioner but still its remaining community persevered under some of the most severe conditions imaginable, at least until finally forced to evacuate in late 1873.